14/04/2025 strategic-culture.su  8min 🇬🇧 #274868

The European Parliament: scandals and illegal expenses

Lorenzo Maria Pacini

Thanks to some Italian MEPs that we can now trust the European Parliament a little more... er, no, a little less.

Follow the money

An old saying goes "Follow the money" to suggest which road to take to find the culprits hiding behind crimes and scandals. And it's really true.

This time, the scene of the crime is the European Parliament, based in Brussels. According to the Belgian newspaper  Le Soir, two Italian MEPs are under investigation for alleged irregularities in the expenses declared to the European administration. They are Fulvio Matrusciello, of Forza Italia, in office since 2014, and Giuseppe Ferrandino, in office for Azione from 2018 to 2024. The European Public Prosecutor's Office (EPPO), a body that deals mainly with combating tax crimes in the EU, has recorded inconsistencies in the attendance declarations of the two MEPs, in the declared transportation expenses and in the activities carried out within the offices.

In addition to their salary, the European parliamentarians are entitled to an allowance of €350 for reimbursement of expenses, plus the declared transportation expenses that are reimbursed in excess. The two "friends" are alleged to have exchanged ID cards,  stamping one for the other, so as not to lose the promised reimbursements. An old game, in perfect Italian style.

The investigation was launched over a year ago. Ferrandino claims to be unaware of the investigation, Matrusciello says it's an old story that has already been resolved.

Or maybe not...

Just a few days ago, Matrusciello's assistant, Lucia Simeone, was arrested in Caserta under a European arrest warrant issued by Belgium. The charges include criminal conspiracy, money laundering and corruption, all linked to another important piece in the great circle of European scandals: Huawei.

Matrusciello's previous assistant was called Nuno Martins.

But let's proceed in order.

It's the beginning of March, the year 2025. It's two years since the outbreak of Qatargate, a corruption scandal involving the European Parliament, where some MEPs had been accused of receiving bribes and gifts in exchange for favorable attitudes towards Qatar and Morocco in parliamentary proceedings, especially on issues such as human rights, trade relations and the organization of the 2022 World Cup in Qatar.

The accusations were made, in order, to Eva Kaili, from Greece, then vice-president of the European Parliament Pier Antonio Panzeri, former MEP, Francesco Giorgi parliamentary assistant and, coincidentally!, Kaili's partner, Andrea Cozzolino and Marc Tarabella, MEPs suspected of involvement. In 2023 the investigations continued and the first collaboration agreements were made. Pier Antonio Panzeri, considered the organizer of the corrupt network, made a deal with the Belgian prosecutor: he admitted his responsibility and promised to collaborate by revealing names, mechanisms and money flows. This gave a turning point to the investigations. Eva Kaili, after a few months in preventive custody, was placed under house arrest and always denied knowing the origin of the money found in her house. Politically, it was over, no more career. Tarabella and Cozzolino were suspended from their political groups and arrested, then released with restrictive measures.

In 2024, the main defendants decided to cooperate. Other names have emerged, showing how the European Parliament is a cesspool of corruption and international power intrigue. Two MEPs from the Democratic Party, Alessandra Moretti and Elisabetta Gualmini, have risen to the judicial limelight, and the Office of the President of Brussels has been asked to revoke their immunity. Ms. Moretti had already had her office searched in 2022, but without being formally investigated. It was Giorgi and Kaili who involved her,  by mentioning her name, when Ms. Moretti had actually been involved by Panzeri and Giorgi during the visit of the Qatari Minister of Labor, Ali Bin Samikh Al Marri, and  had visited Doha for a conference.

As for Gualmini, who arrived in Brussels in 2024, her name appears in the file as early as November 15, 2022, the day after the visit of the Qatari Minister. The aim of the group of politicians was to block the plenary vote on a resolution against Qatar.

What does Huawei have to do with it?

So we come to the involvement of the Chinese technology giant, Huawei.

After Moretti and Gualmini, the authorities searched 21 addresses in Brussels, Flanders, Wallonia and Portugal, arresting various lobbyists, seven of whom work for Huawei. What is being challenged is a huge case of corruption, forgery and money laundering.

The latest name to be implicated is that of Marco Falcone, also of Forza Italia, member of the committees for economic and monetary problems, for the housing crisis, for relations with the Maghreb and the Maghreb Union, for fishing and for relations with India. His party has declared that he is not involved.

Another office that was seized was that of Adam Mouchtar, assistant to Nikola Minchev, who was involved in the committee for the internal market and consumer protection, and linked to Eva Kaili due to his political background.

Then we come to the director of public affairs of the Huawei office to the European Union since 2019, Valerio Ottani, previously assistant to the European Parliament for both Forza Italia, under Crescienzo Rivellini, and for the PD, for Nicola Caputo, an expert in EU-China relations.

The alleged activity would be "carried out regularly and very discreetly under the guise of commercial lobbying activities and taking various forms, such as remuneration for political positions or even excessive gifts, such as food and travel expenses, or even regular invitations to football matches", confirmed the Federal Prosecutor's Office, without expressly mentioning Huawei, as reported by  Il Fatto Quotidiano.

Into all this comes the aforementioned Nuno Martins. He is accused of being the living liaison who brought together and acted as an intermediary for the approximately 15 names involved in the international scandal. Martins lobbies for the Milton Friedman Institute in Rome, an organization that promotes liberalism, and has been director for EU affairs at the European Plain Package Alliance and the European Jewish Congress and B'nai B'rith International. And of course he was Martusciello's assistant.

So Huawei has very little to do with it. And if it does have anything to do with it, it certainly deserves credit for bringing to light a nice round of corruption in the European Parliament.

USAID's hand in it

We all know that USAID  is no longer as active as it once was, but at the beginning of Qatargate it was very active. Qatar has a long history of  friendship with the Agency, which has proposed various development projects and international initiatives to the Arab country. It is also well known that  USAID and the European Union have long  gone hand in hand, as best friends.

Now the EU has to do without American money.

In addition to the economic loss, the sudden nature of the suspension, without mitigation measures, amplified the damage. The speed of the measure prevented the democracy support network from preparing: USAID collaborators were unable to plan transitions, transfer skills or coordinate with local partners. Operators were forced to close programs instead of adopting emergency plans.

USAID also funded over 700 independent media outlets worldwide. According to Reporters Without Borders, a Belarusian newspaper in exile announced that it would be unable to continue after January. A Cameroonian organization has stopped covering the October elections. An Iranian group has had to cease all collaboration. In Ukraine, 90% of the media depended on USAID subsidies. Is everything clear?

The scope of the blockade is such that even projects not directly funded by the United States are affected, as they involve partners with USAID funds. Many activities of American civil society came to a standstill immediately after January 27, and now caution prevails for fear of further restrictions.

The United States is the largest single funder of so-called "development aid", accounting for about 40% of the global total. In 2024, the budget was about $72 billion, only 1% of the federal budget. About 3% of these funds were earmarked for democracy support programs-that's about $2 billion a year, with a peak of $2.9 billion approved for 2025, plus $315 million for the National Endowment for Democracy.

Although the United States is the single largest donor, the EU institutions and member states together exceed the American total, with about 100 billion spent in 2023. Specific support for democracy remains limited: about 4 billion annually between 2014 and 2020. Basically, pocket change for charity.

Germany, Sweden and the United Kingdom have been European leaders in the sector, but recent cuts threaten this position. Holland and the United Kingdom have announced drastic reductions. Even the European CERV fund, although a step forward, is criticized for its bureaucracy and slowness. The elimination of US funds is already causing strong repercussions, especially in Central Europe, where it is expected that the funds available will only be 10-30% of what they were in the recent past. A real shame... we'll make the best of it.

In conclusion, we can say that it's thanks to some Italian MEPs that we can now trust the European Parliament a little more... er, no, a little less.

Happy democracy to all!

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