By Hélène DE LAUNZUN
The government is preparing to protect Corsican traditions and identity. But what about French identity?
The French government is preparing to embark on a reform of Corsica's status and its place within the Republic. The small island has a strong identity and has long been calling for greater autonomy-and, for some, even independence. By taking this path, a twofold risk is emerging: one feared by the Left-that of an overemphasis on identity, history, and culture to the detriment of the sacred Republic-and the other by the Right-that of an erosion of state authority.
The island of Corsica, neighbouring Sardinia and known in France as 'the Isle of Beauty,' became part of France in the 18th century, when King Louis XV set about annexing it from the Republic of Genoa. Subsequently, it produced one of France's most famous figures: Emperor Napoleon Bonaparte. Owing to its insularity, it has always vigorously cultivated its distinct identity, manifested in particular through its language, a dialect closer to Italian than to French, and a strong attachment to Catholicism. The Corsicans refer to the 'continent' when speaking of the rest of France-an entity that looms over them for nothing but irritating them, and against which they deploy a wealth of ingenuity to ensure their survival and the preservation of their customs and traditions.
There are many nationalists on the island of Corsica. Some go so far as to call themselves separatists and have, in the past, resorted to terrorism to defend their cause. The assassination in 1998 of Prefect Claude Erignac remains one of the events in this struggle that has left the deepest mark on people's consciousness. Without going to such extremes, the Corsicans are known for their rather limited hospitality towards those-whether immigrants, tourists, or mainlanders in retirement seeking sunshine and beautiful scenery-who do not show them sufficient respect. Building a house in Corsica when one is not Corsican oneself remains a risky undertaking. As Jean-Yves Le Gallou, co-founder of the Iliade Institute, points out, Corsica is the only part of the country where Islamisation is meeting with genuine local resistance. This is thanks to the 'native Corsicans' and also because the state (prefects, public prosecutors, police, gendarmerie) is kept in check there. Where the state is weak, the identity of the native population is better protected.
Today, in an era of Brussels's all-powerful influence and cultural globalisation, the Corsicans have no intention of succumbing to the steamroller of standardisation and immigration and continue to fight, inch by inch, to defend their identity. Against this backdrop, the government is embarking on a risky course of action to meet some of the Corsicans' demands.
The constitutional reform currently being examined by parliament aims to enshrine in the Constitution a new article establishing a 'status of autonomy within the Republic' for Corsica. The text recognises the island's distinctive characteristics by referring to its Mediterranean insularity as well as its historical, linguistic, and cultural community and asserts that these specific features may justify a legal regime distinct from that applicable to the rest of the national territory.
In practical terms, the reform would enable Corsica to obtain, in defined areas, two types of legislative powers: on the one hand, the power to adapt national laws and regulations at a local level; on the other hand, the ability to set certain standards itself. This autonomy would remain strictly regulated: it could not call into question the fundamental principles of the Republic or encroach upon areas of sovereign authority.
Measures adopted within this framework would be subject to scrutiny. In short, this is neither independence nor federal status, but rather limited legislative and regulatory autonomy, designed to give Corsica greater scope to adapt rules to its specific local circumstances.
Corsican nationalists are benefiting from a current general trend towards interest in identity and traditions. It has been a long time since the most radical fringe was active, and figures have emerged who are open about their links with the mainland's nationalist right, such as Olivier Battistini, an academic close to Éric Zemmour, and Nicolas Battini, a former independence activist who has mellowed and now campaigns alongside the Rassemblement National.
The draft constitutional bill presents a paradox of the sort that only centrist Macronism can produce: under the pretext of modernity and diversity, it enshrines traditional Corsican identity.
This reform is causing the deepest concerns amongst the Left and the far left: implicitly, the constitutional bill implies the existence of a 'native Corsican' identity that must be protected and preserved. Voices are being raised to denounce the risk of 'racism' or 'discrimination'. The argument of protecting the indigenous people is used by the Left when it comes to defending the Kanaks in New Caledonia and thus justifying the ousting of the French, who are perceived as colonisers and oppressors. Everywhere else, defending the native population is seen as a crime.
Faced with this development, the right-wing stance is one of caution. For the heirs of Gaullism, committed to the prestige of the state, does granting Corsica legal recognition of these distinctive characteristics jeopardise the unity of France ? There is a risk involved. But at the same time, how can one take offence at a project that actively protects what we dream of seeing protected on the mainland, namely a people, their identity, their culture and their history?
This is the shift currently taking place within the RN, which is moving away from its traditionally Jacobin stance to support this project, having been (re)steered towards an identity-based position through its alliance with Corsican identitarians over the past few years. This is a balancing act well summarised by Le Monde in its analysis: "The RN will be walking a tightrope, torn between its new alliance with Corsican identitarians and its DNA, which allows for no concessions to an autonomist logic."
This is where a genuine conservative vision is needed to understand what positive aspects this reform may hold, beyond the immediate dangers. Not that of a right wing tainted by Jacobinism and revolutionary centralism, but a France of the Ancien Régime, proud of its regional distinctiveness, which saw no harm in allowing the sometimes conflicting customs of Provence and Brittany to coexist under the same crown.
The problem of national unity remains, nonetheless, very real. In the absence of a monarchical principle, whilst the legitimacy of President Macron and the system he embodies is in freefall, from a medium-term perspective, one might conversely imagine that the logic applied to Corsica could backfire on historic France: if territories were to demand autonomy in the name of a distinct identity and culture to the detriment of the majority culture, what means would the state have to oppose this ? The French Republic will never be strong enough to resist.
Original article: europeanconservative.com